Original online at http://xz.people.com.cn/GB/138902/8689896.html
习仲勋：深切怀念中国共产党的忠诚朋友班禅大师 Xi Zhongxun: In Fond Memory of Buddhist Great Master Panchen Lama, a Loyal Friend of the Communist Party
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- 来源：人民网-《人民日报》
Source: People’s Net (People’s Daily)
(原载于1989.02.20人民日报）
Originally published in the People’s Daily February 20, 1989
班禅额尔德尼·确吉坚赞大师因心脏病突发，溘然长逝，中国共产党失去了一位忠诚朋友，我失去了一位合作共事４０个春秋的知心朋友。
Buddhist Master Panchen Erdini Qoigyi Gyaincain [Lobsang Trinley Lhündrub Chökyi Gyaltsen] died suddenly due to a heart ailment. The Chinese Communist Party has lost a loyal friend, and I have lost a colleague and intimate friend of 40 years standing.
４０年来，我和大师建立了深厚的友情。就在这次他去西藏主持班禅东陵扎什南捷开光典礼前，还在百忙中来向我告别并献了哈达。出门要告别，回来要谈心，这是他长期同我交往的一个老习惯了。我了解他的性格，热情高，爱激动，工作起来控制不住自己。我对他说，这个季节西藏缺氧严重，你要注意自己的身体，不要性急，要劳逸结合。他说，这件事办完遂了我最大的心愿，就是死了也瞑目。我说，佛不要你走，马克思也不要你走。谁知大师一生，竟成永诀。我捧着他临行前赠我的洁白的哈达，遥望西天，悲恸万分。
Over the past 40 years, the Panchen Lama and I established a deep friendship. Prior to his trip to Tibet to dedicate a statue at Tashilunpo Monastery, he took time to bid farewell to me and presented me with a khata (ceremonial silk scarf). It was his long-established habit to bid farewell to me when he left on trips, and to have a heart-to-heart talk with me when he returned. I knew him well. He was very enthusiastic, easily excited, and when he was working he could barely control his emotions. I advised him that because there was a severe lack of oxygen in this season in Tibet, he must be careful of his health, not get short-tempered, and that he should balance work and rest. He told me that he would die happy once his project was completed. I told him that Buddha didn’t want him to go yet, nor did Marx want him to go. Who knew that this would be our final parting. Holding the spotless white khata he gave me when we last saw each other and looking toward the western sky, I am filled with great sadness.
班禅大师生前一再说，他从幼年起就热爱共产党，对党怀有深厚的感情。他说，没有中国共产党的领导，就没有今天的西藏。从我同他长期的交往中，深深感到，他的这种感情是非常诚挚的，他一生的实践也充分说明了这一点。
When the Panchen Lama was alive he said repeatedly that he loved and harbored deep affection toward the Communist Party since his childhood . He said that without the Communist Party’s leadership, there wouldn’t be today’s Tibet. From my long relationship with him, I knew deeply that he meant what he said. His life experience also reinforced this.
班禅大师作为藏民族的优秀代表和藏传佛教的杰出领袖，始终把藏民族的命运和前途同祖国的命运和前途联系在一起，同中国共产党的领导联系在一起。从中国人民解放战争取得胜利的前夜到新中国成立以来的各个历史时期，班禅大师都竭诚地拥护中国共产党在许多重大问题上的正确主张。
As an outstanding representative and leader of the Tibetan people and Tibetan Buddhism, the Panchen Lama always linked the fate and future of Tibet to that of the Motherland and the Communist Party’s leadership. During various historical periods, from the eve of victory of the Chinese people’s war for liberation to the founding of New China, the Panchen Lama wholeheartedly supported the correct decisions of the Chinese Communist Party on many major issues.
１９４９年９月西宁解放后，班禅大师即派人同中国共产党联系。当时彭德怀副总司令和我负责西北局的工作，同班禅大师有了联系。１９４９年１０月１日，中华人民共和国成立，班禅大师致电毛泽东主席和朱德总司令，欢呼新中国的诞生，满腔热情地表示对中国共产党的“拥护爱戴之忱”，拥护中国共产党废除民族压迫制度，实行民族平等的政策，坚信在中国共产党的领导下，“西藏解放，指日可待”。毛泽东主席和朱德总司令复电勉慰班禅大师，希望大师和西藏爱国人士一致努力，为西藏的解放和汉藏民族的团结而奋斗。１９５０年６月，班禅大师派他的代表计晋美等专程来西安见彭总，提出有关解放西藏办法的建议。当时我陪彭总会见了计晋美一行，热情支持班禅大师的爱国义举，感谢他对我们党的依赖。我们还致函班禅大师，希望“西藏人民早日回到中华人民共和国友爱合作的大家庭，享受平等、安乐、幸福的新生活”。党中央和毛主席十分重视班禅大师关于解放西藏办法的建议，认为很好，是合乎爱国与团结精神的。
In September 1949, after the liberation of Xining City, Qinghai Province, the Panchen Lama sent people to contact the Chinese Communist Party. At the time, Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng Dehuai and I, both in charge of the work of the Northwest Bureau, got in touch with the Panchen Lama. Upon the founding of the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949, the Panchen Lama sent a telegram to Chairman Mao and Commander-in-Chief Zhu De hailing the birth of New China. He enthusiastically expressed his sincere love and respect for the Chinese Communist Party, and endorsing the Chinese Communist Party’s lifting of the system of ethnic repression and the implementing of the policy of national minority equality. He firmly believed that under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, Tibet’s liberation would be imminent. In their reply to his telegram, Chairman Mao and Commander-in-Chief Zhu De wished that the Panchen Lama and Tibetan patriots would work hard and make joint effort for the liberation of Tibet and for the unity of the Han and Tibetan peoples. In June 1950, the Panchen Lama sent his representative Trendong Che Jigme and others on a special trip to Xi’an to meet Commander-in-Chief Peng Dehuai and to suggest proposals for the liberation of Tibet. I accompanied Commander-in-Chief Peng in meeting Trendong Che Jigme’s group. We enthusiastically supported the Panchen Lama’s patriotic act, and thanked his trust in the Party. We sent a letter to the Panchen Lama wishing for “the Tibetan people’s early return to the big and loving family of the People’s Republic to enjoy equality, peace and a happy new life.” The Communist Party Central Committee and Chairman Mao attached great importance to the Panchen Lama’s suggestions regarding the liberation of Tibet, believing they complied with the spirit of patriotism and unity.
我第一次与班禅大师见面是１９５１年４月中旬的一天。那时他率领班禅堪布会议厅官员赴京途经西安，我代表西北局和西北军政委员会到机场迎接。当他走下飞机时，一个活脱脱的英俊藏族少年活佛形象出现在我的眼前。在飞机舷梯下，他紧紧握住我的手，心情激动地对我说：我们是专程去北京向毛主席致敬的！我要把藏族人民对中央人民政府和毛主席的良好祝愿亲口转达给毛主席。在欢迎会上，他表示坚决拥护中央人民政府，决心与西藏各界爱国人士一道为西藏的解放和藏族人民的团结努力奋斗。“有志不在年高”，他的爱国热情和坦诚豪爽的性格给我留下了深刻的印象。
The first time I met the Panchen Lama was in mid-April 1951, when he stopped in Xi’an with his court officials on his way to Beijing. I met him at the airport on behalf of the Northwest Bureau and the Northwest Military and Political Committee. When he stepped off the plane, I saw a handsome teenaged Tibetan living Buddha right in front of me. After he walked down the airplane ramp, he tightly held my hand and said excitedly: “We are making a special trip to Beijing to pay tribute to Chairman Mao! I will personally forward the good wishes of the Tibetan people to the Central People’s Government and Chairman Mao. At the welcoming reception, he expressed his firm support for the Central People’s Government and his determination to work hard with Tibetan patriots in all walks of life for the liberation of Tibet and the unity of the Tibetan people. “A man of great will does not necessarily have to be old.” His patriotic fervor and frank and forthright personality left a deep impression on me.
１９５１年春，亲帝国主义分子大扎摄政下台，达赖喇嘛亲政。１月２７日，达赖喇嘛致信中央，报告他亲政情况，并表达谋求和平的愿望。中央复电祝贺他亲政，欢迎他速派代表来京和谈。４月２２日，达赖喇嘛派出的以阿沛·阿旺晋美为首席全权代表的和谈代表到达北京。４月２７日，班禅大师率领的致敬团到达北京。班禅大师真诚拥护中央和平解放西藏的方针，并表示要团结藏族各方力量，推动这一方针的实现。经过中央人民政府全权代表李维汉等同西藏地方政府代表的多次谈判，在达赖喇嘛、班禅大师的响应和努力下，具有重大历史意义的《关于和平解放西藏办法的协议》于１９５１年５月２３日在北京签字。协议签字的第二天下午，班禅大师率领班禅堪厅主要负责官员，向毛主席和中央人民政府致敬，献给毛主席一面用藏汉两种文字写的“中国各民族人民的大救星”的锦旗。当晚，毛主席为庆祝协议签订设宴，并讲了话。５月２８日，班禅大师及堪厅人员以“难以言喻的兴奋”心情发表声明，说协议的签订“宣告了帝国主义对于西藏侵略的失败，西藏民族与中国各民族团结起来，西藏民族内部团结起来，从此西藏民族开始了自己历史的新纪元。”声明对达赖喇嘛响应中央号召，派代表来京和谈并签订协议的举动表示“深为敬重”。在此期间，班禅大师还致电达赖喇嘛，“愿竭绵薄”和达赖喇嘛“精诚团结”，协助他和西藏地方政府彻底实行和平解放西藏的协议。与此同时，班禅大师致电西藏扎什伦布寺政教官员和僧俗民众，希望他们在中央人民政府和毛主席的领导下团结一致，“彻底实现这个协议，积极地援助人民解放军入藏部队，驱逐帝国主义在西藏的侵略势力。”
In the spring of 1951, the pro-imperialist Taktra Regent stepped down and the Dalai Lama assumed leadership. On January 27, the Dalai Lama wrote to the Chinese Central Government, reporting that he had assumed leadership and expressing his desire to seek peace. In its reply, the Central Government congratulated his rise to leadership and encouraged him to send representatives to Bejing for peace talks. On April 22, the Dalai Lama sent his representatives to Beijing, led by Ngabo Ngawang Jigme, his chief plenipotentiary. On April 27, a tribute group led by the Panchen Lama arrived in Beijing. He sincerely upheld the Central Government’s principle of peaceful liberation of Tibet and expressed that he would unite all sides in Tibet to promote the realization of this principle. After many negotiations between Li Weihai, plenipotentiary of the Central People’s Government, and representatives of the Tibetan local government, and with the effort of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, the Agreement on the Method of Peaceful Liberation of Tibet—a document of great historical significance—was signed on May 23, 1951 in Beijing. On the following afternoon, the Panchen Lama and his court officials paid tribute to Chairman Mao and the Central People’s Government, and presented Chairman Mao with a silk banner that was embroidered with both Chinese and Tibetan words: “Great savior of all nationalities of the Chinese people.” On the same evening, Chairman Mao held a banquet to celebrate the signing of the agreement and gave a speech. On May 28, the Panchen Lama and his officials issued a statement with “great excitement beyond words,” saying that the signing of the agreement “announced the failure of the imperialists’ invasion of Tibet. Tibetans must unite with all other ethnic groups in China and among themselves. Tibetans have started a new era for themselves.” In the statement, they also expressed their “deep respect” for the Dalai Lama’s sending his representatives to Beijing for the negotiation and signing of the agreement. During this period, the Panchen Lama sent a telegram to the Dalai Lama, saying that he would like to “do his best” to sincerely achieve solidarity with the Dalai Lama and to help him and the local Tibetan government in its implementation of the agreement on the peaceful liberation of Tibet. At the same time, the Panchen Lama cabled the political and religious officials of the Tashilhunpo Monastery, monks and laymen alike, hoping that they would unite under the leadership of the Central People’s Government and Chairman Mao to “realize this agreement and to actively aid the PLA Tibet troops in expelling forces of imperialist aggression in Tibet.”
１９５１年１２月１５日，班禅大师自青海西宁返藏前夕，我受中央委托，代表毛主席、中央人民政府和西北军政委员会，专程赴西宁为他送行。班禅大师及其堪厅派了喇嘛仪仗队欢迎我。在各族各界１０００多人的欢迎大会上，班禅大师发表了热情洋溢的讲话。他激动地说：“如果没有中国共产党和毛主席的正确领导，与中国各兄弟民族的热诚帮助，西藏和平解放是根本不可能的，我们返回西藏亦是不可能的。因此，我们说中国共产党和毛主席是西藏人民的大救星，是我们的大恩人。我们只有跟着共产党和毛主席走，只有同祖国各兄弟民族紧密地团结起来，我们西藏民族才能得到彻底的解放，别的道路是没有的。”班禅大师这段话情真意切。他的前世即第九世班禅曲吉尼玛，由于同十三世达赖喇嘛失和，被迫离开西藏，长期流落内地达２６年，直到圆寂时也没能回到西藏。如今，返藏回寺的愿望终于由十世班禅额尔德尼·确吉坚赞实现了。他高兴、激动是很自然的。
On December 15, 1951, before the Panchen Lama returned to Tibet from Xining City in Qinghai Province, I made a special trip to Xining to see him off on behalf of Chairman Mao, the Central People’s Government and the Northwest Military and Political Committee. The Panchen Lama and his court officials sent a lama guard of honor to welcome me. At the welcoming ceremony by more than 1,000 people, the Panchen Lama gave a warm speech. He said excitedly, “It would be impossible for Tibet to achieve its peaceful liberation and for us to return to Tibet without the correct leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and Chairman Mao and the sincere help of all Chinese ethnic groups. Therefore, we say that the Chinese Communist Party and Chairman Mao are the Tibetan people’s great savior and our great benefactor. Only by following the Chinese Communist Party and Chairman Mao and uniting with other ethnic groups can Tibetans be completely liberated. We have no other way out.” The Panchen Lama spoke with great sincerity. His predecessor, the (9th) Panchen Choekyi Nyima, after falling out with the 13thDalai Lama, was forced to leave Tibet and spent 26 years in exile in mainland China. He was unable to return to Tibet even after his death. Today, the wish of returning to Tibet was realized by the 10th Panchen Lama Erdini Choekyi Gyaltsen. It was natural that he felt happy and excited.
这次见面，我们进行了亲切的交谈。我说：你回西藏后不要急，要照顾全局，首先要做好藏族内部的团结，这样西藏各方面的工作才有希望。我还根据中央的精神，向我们派去陪同班禅大师进藏的负责同志交代了两条：一是西藏一切工作都要贯彻慎重稳进的方针，条件不成熟的事不要办，上层爱国人士和领袖人物不同意的事不要办。二是西藏工作要以反帝爱国统一战线为主。回想起来，中央的这些精神直到现在仍然是有意义的。
We had a cordial talk when we met this time. I told him: you must not rush in doing things when you return to Tibet. You should take the general situation into consideration. You should first of all do a good job with the internal unity among Tibetans. This way the work in Tibet will progress. I also told the people in charge who accompanied the Panchen Lama to Tibet that the principle of caution and steadiness must be carried out in all Tibet work. I emphasized two principles: First, do not do anything when the condition isn’t ripe or the higher patriotic personages and leaders don’t approve of it. Secondly, work in Tibet must be based on anti-imperialism and the patriotic united front. When I think back now, the gist of these policies of the Central government is still of great significance.
１９５２年４月间，当班禅大师返藏到达藏北重镇那曲时，由西藏地方政府两个代理司伦鲁康娃和洛桑扎西等人在拉萨策动了反对和平解放西藏协议的伪人民会议事件。班禅大师甚为愤慨，致电达赖喇嘛，要求达赖喇嘛“以大智大勇之精神，大慈大悲之佛光”严肃处理这一破坏祖国统一，破坏藏族内部团结，尤其是破坏达赖喇嘛政教威信的严重事件。终于，达赖喇嘛出布告解散了伪人民会议，并撤销了鲁康娃和洛桑扎西的代理司伦职务。４月２８日，班禅抵达拉萨。到拉萨后，他同达赖喇嘛达成谅解，互换了哈达。
In April 1952, when the Panchen Lama returned to Tibet and arrived at Nagchu, a strategic town in northern Tibet, an incident known as the fake people’s conference to oppose the peaceful liberation of Tibet agreement, instigated by Lukhangwa Tsewang Rabten and Lobsang Tashi, two acting silon (the highest administrative official under lama), took place in Lhasa. With great indignation, the Panchen Lama cabled the Dalai Lama, asking that the Dalai Lama, “in the spirit of great wisdom and courage, and with the Buddha’s light of immense mercy and compassion,” deal severely with this incident of sabotaging the internal unity of Tibet, especially harming the political and religious prestige of the Dalai Lama. Finally, the Dalai Lama issued a bulletin dissolving the fake people’s conference and removing Lukhangwa and Lobsang Tashi from their positions of acting silon. On April 28, upon arriving in Lhasa, the Panchen Lama reached an understanding with the Dalai Lama, and they exchanged khata ceremonial silk scarves.
１９５４年９月，班禅大师与达赖喇嘛联袂赴京参加第一届全国人民代表大会第一次会议。那时，我已在中央工作。自那以后到１９６２年，我受中央委托，一直负责同班禅大师联系，我们之间的关系越来越密切，友情越来越深厚。
In September 1954, both the Panchen Lama and the Dalai Lama attended the First Session of the First National People’s Congress in Beijing. By then I was working in the Central Government. Until 1962, I had been entrusted by the Central Government to be in charge of contacting the Panchen Lama. Our friendship became increasingly close and deep.
班禅大师作为我们党的忠诚朋友，突出地表现在能主动地向党提出中肯的意见、建议乃至尖锐的批评。他刚直、豪爽，知无不言，言无不尽。这一点我颇为了解，而且认为甚为难得。我总感到，能交上这样的诤友可谓幸事。由于有这样的了解，所以我对他也是以心换心，坦诚相见的。我常对他说：为了党和人民的事业，为了国家的统一和团结，我们两个人什么话都可以说，我有错误你批评，你有错误我批评，实事求是。我知道他遇事爱性急，甚至动气，但并不是一个固执己见的人。他一生追求真理，弃恶扬善，对正确的意见总是听的，听得真切，做得也认真。我常对他说：直言不讳是对的，但不能急，好事一下做不完，更不要动气。他说：你是我的老朋友、好朋友，你了解我，你是为我好才这样说、这样做，我很高兴。
As a loyal friend of the Party, The Panchen Lama was able to give the Party his honest opinion, suggestions and even sharp criticism. He was outspoken and forthright and always spoke his mind without any reserve, which were really hard traits to come by. I have always felt that it was my blessing to have made such a friend. Because of my understanding of him, I was also very honest with him. I often said to him: For the cause of the Party and the people and for the sake of the unification and unity of the country, we two can say anything to each other. You can criticize my mistakes, and I can criticize yours. Seek truth from facts. I know that he was quick tempered and got upset easily. But he was not an opinionated person. All his life, he pursued the truth, refuting evil and promoting good. He always listened to the right advice and handled everything seriously. I often said to him: It’s correct to be outspoken. But you must not get upset. You can’t finish doing good things all at once. You mustn’t get irritated. He said to me: You are an old and good friend of mine. You understand me. I know you are saying this for my benefit. I’m happy about it.
班禅大师一生关心西藏社会的发展和进步，积极拥护西藏的民主改革。１９５６年西藏自治区筹委会成立时，即提出在班禅堪布会议厅管辖的地区率先进行民主改革试点，以取得经验，然后推广到全区。中央根据西藏的实际情况，认为民主改革的条件不成熟，宣布“六年不改”的方针，班禅大师听从了中央的意见，没有进行试点。１９５９年３月１０日，西藏上层反动集团为了维护封建农奴制度，反对改革，公然撕毁１７条协议，发动了全面的武装叛乱。鉴于这种情况，国务院下令解散了原西藏地方政府，由西藏自治区筹委会行使地方政府职权，任命班禅大师为筹委会代理主任委员，并确定边平叛边改革的方针。班禅大师致电毛主席、周总理，表示拥护国务院的命令和决定，同时复电西藏工委和军区，说“我已指示堪厅，现在更应继续和分工委、解放军加强团结，密切合作，做好准备，确保日喀则市的安全，共同粉碎和镇压叛乱。”４月８日，班禅大师主持筹委会，号召平息叛乱。１９６０年４月２２日，筹委会召开第四次会议，班禅大师在总结报告中高度评价平叛、改革的重大意义，指出：１９５９年是“西藏人民取得决定性胜利的一年”。
The Panchen Lama dedicated his life to the development and progress of Tibet. He actively supported the democratic reform of Tibet. In 1956, when the Tibet Autonomous Region Preparatory Committee was founded, he proposed that a trial reform be conducted in areas under the jurisdiction of his court officials and then be promoted in the whole region. Taking into consideration the general situation in Tibet, the Central Government decided that the condition for democratic reform was not yet mature and thus announced a principle of “no reform in six years.” The Panchen Lama accepted the opinion of the Central Government and did not go ahead with his trial. In an attempt to keep the feudal slave system and to oppose reform, the Tibetan upper reactionary clique brazenly scrapped the 17-point agreement and on March 10, 1959, launched a large-scale armed rebellion. Due to these circumstances, the State Council ordered that the former Tibetan government be dissolved and that the Tibet Autonomous Region Preparatory Committee exercise local political power. The Panchen Lama was appointed the Acting Chief Member of the Preparatory Committee and was given the power of deciding on the policy of suppressing the revolt while carrying out reform. The Panchen Lama cabled Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou En-lai, expressing his support of the order and decision of the State Council. He also replied to the Tibet Work Committee and the military region saying “I have instructed my court officials to continuously unite and closely cooperate with the sub-working committee and the People’s Liberation Army, to get ready and to ensure the safety of Shigatse city. We will work together to smash and crack down on the rebellion.” On April 8, the Panchen Lama presided over the Preparatory Committee and called on it to quell the rebellion. On April 22, 1960, the Preparatory Committee held its fourth meeting, where the Panchen Lama gave his summary report, speaking of the great significance of the suppression of the rebellion and reform, and pointing out that the year 1959 was a year when “the Tibetan people won their decisive victory.”
西藏的平叛、改革是西藏社会进步和人民翻身的伟大革命。但是在后期出现了“左”的偏差。班禅大师对此是很不满意的，他到北京向中央反映情况。毛主席、周总理和李维汉等同志都分别听取了大师的意见。毛主席称赞大师敢于讲真话的好作风，并对他提出的一些好意见给予了肯定和鼓励。这期间，中央派杨静仁同志去西藏调查。１９６１年１月５日，小平同志在听取了杨静仁同志的汇报后，指示西藏民主改革后要防“左”、防急，并且确定西藏稳定发展、５年不办合作社的方针。１月２４日，周总理在同班禅大师和张经武同志谈话时指出：“西藏的方针政策概括起来就是，土地所有制是农民个体所有制，这个制度要继续好多年，中心是增加生产，这条要坚定不移地执行下去”。此后，班禅大师回西藏主持工作，并到其他藏区视察，１９６２年５月向国务院呈送了一份《七万言书》，系统地提出了他对西藏和其他藏区工作的批评和建议。中央、国务院对此十分重视，认为大师的大部分意见和建议是好的，但也有一些是过头的。我受周总理的委托多次去看望大师并同他交谈。他火气很大，说了些激烈的话。我充分肯定了他敢于向党直言不讳地提意见的可贵精神，同时劝他不要动气，不要说气话。过了一会儿，他消了气说：你讲的我接受，你从小看着我长大，从一开始就帮助我，你是代表党的，作为个人又是朋友。你是为我好，我感激，但有些不该说的气话已经说出去了，我今后注意就是了，但我说明，我是真心为党好的。班禅就是这样一位心底透亮的大师。后来我和李维汉、阿沛副委员长等同大师又坦诚地交换意见，经过共同研究产生了旨在西藏工作中纠“左”防急的４个好文件，并报经国务院批准。遗憾的是，１９６２年八届十中全会后，由于“左”的指导思想的影响，这４个文件没能贯彻执行下去。班禅大师和李维汉等，也包括我在内，都因此被批判。从此我和班禅大师的交往中断了十几年。“文革”中班禅大师与许多党和国家领导人一样受到严重迫害，虽然如此，班禅大师仍没有动摇过对党和祖国的坚定的信念.
The suppression of rebellion and reform represented the great revolution of Tibetan society’s progress and its people’s liberation. After this, however, “leftist deviation” occurred. The Panchen Lama was very unhappy with this development, and traveled to Beijing to report on the situation. Chairman Mao, Premier Zhou En-lai, Li Weihan and other comrades listened to the Panchen Lama’s suggestions. Chairman Mao praised the Panchen Lama for his willingness to tell the truth, and made some positive and encouraging responses to his recommendations. At this time, the Central Government sent Comrade Yang Jingren to do an inspection of circumstances in Tibet. On January 5, 1961, after Comrade Deng Xiaoping listened to the report given by Comrade Yang Jingren, Deng directed that Tibet’s Democratic Revolution must guard against “leftist deviation” and rushing ahead too fast with its work, and decided on the policy of Tibet’s stable development and of no forced establishment of economic cooperatives for five years. On January 24, 1961, Premier Zhou En-lai said to the Panchen Lama and Comrade Zhang Jingwu: “Tibet’s general policy can be summarized as farmers’ private ownership of land. This will be continued for many years. The key is to increase production. It must be resolutely implemented.” After this, the Panchen Lama returned to Tibet to oversee this work, and made inspections of other areas of Tibet. In May 1962 he presented to the State Council a “70,000-Character Petition,” systematically critiquing and making recommendations about the work in Tibet and other Tibetan areas. The central leadership and State Council paid great attention to his work and felt that the majority of the Panchen Lama’s critiques and recommendations were good, but that some were too extreme. Entrusted by Premier Zhou En-lai, I went to see the Panchen Lama several times to talk with him. He was very angry and spoke some sharp words. I expressed my admiration for his willingness to speak frankly to the Communist Party leadership, but I urged him to not get upset or speak angry words. After a little while, he calmed down and said: I accept what you say. You have seen me grow up from childhood, and have helped me from the beginning. You represent the Communist Party, and are also my friend. You want what’s best for me, I am grateful for that, but I’ve said some angry words. I will be more careful from now on. But I want to state clearly that I honestly support the Communist Party. Such was the Panchen Lama, an open-hearted great master. After this I, Li Weihan, and Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress Ngabo Ngawang Jigme, all exchanged frank views with the Panchen Lama, and after mutual consultation four good documents on combating leftist deviation and preventing extremism in work in Tibet were produced and submitted to the State Council for approval. Regrettably, in 1962, after the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Communist Party Congress, due to the increased influence of leftist deviation, these four documents weren’t fully implemented. The Panchen Lama, Li Weihan and I were criticized for this. After this event, my interaction with the Panchen Lama was interrupted for more than ten years. During the “Cultural Revolution” the Panchen Lama, along with many Communist Party and government officials, were severely persecuted. Despite this, the Panchen Lama’s firm faith in the Communist Party and Motherland never wavered.
党的十一届三中全会后，我和班禅大师又得以重逢。老友相见，感慨万端。大师见到我时很不安地说：因为我的《七万言书》，把你给连累了，真对不起。我说：这不是谁连累谁的问题，我们都受到了锻炼和考验，增长了见识，党对你是了解的。
After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Communist Party Congress in 1978, the Panchen Lama and I reunited. When old friends meet, all kinds of feelings well up. When the Panchen Lama saw me, he said uneasily: Because of my “70,000-Character Petition” I got you in trouble, I’m very sorry for that. I answered: No one got anyone in trouble. We all got physically tempered, endured challenges and increased our experience. The Communist Party understands you.
党的十一届三中全会后，班禅大师坚决拥护党中央拨乱反正，不遗余力地协助党中央落实各项政策。党中央对班禅大师也给予充分的信任。１９８０年班禅大师去藏区视察前，小平同志约他到家里，亲切地对他说：“你是我们国家最好的爱国者”，“你自己的活动，可以放手，不要顾虑”，“你在这次下去的时候可以说：‘文化革命’中那些事情都错了。你不要怕，就说这是中央领导同志讲的。”班禅大师听后受到很大鼓舞，对党更加依赖。为了把失去的时间抢回来，他常常是夜以继日地工作和学习。
After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Communist Party Congress, the Panchen Lama resolutely supported the Communist Party Central Committee’s bringing order out of chaos, and spared no effort to assist the Communist Party Central Committee to implement its policies. The Central Committee gave the Panchen Lama its full trust. Before the Panchen Lama’s 1980 inspection trip to Tibetan areas, Comrade Deng Xiaoping invited him to his house and said: “You are our country’s greatest patriot.” “You can do whatever you want. Don’t worry about anything.” “When you go down, you can say that the events that occurred during the ‘Cultural Revolution’ were all in error.” Don’t be afraid. Just say that these are the words of the central government leadership. When the Panchen Lama heard this he was greatly encouraged, and his faith in the Communist Party increased. In order to reclaim the time he’d lost, the Panchen Lama worked and studied day and night.
１９８０年底，我从广东回到中央后又分管民族、宗教、统战工作，我们接触的机会更多，友谊更加牢固。班禅大师作为国家领导人和宗教领袖，他在这个时期的任务更繁重，工作更繁忙。尽管如此，我们见面交往的时间并没有减少，我们坦诚相见的习惯一如既往。每当他视察、出国和进行其他重大活动时，我总是劝告他：一要注意身体、安全；二遇事要冷静、不要动气。他每次回来总是来找我谈谈心，什么话都谈。对他的每一次成功我都由衷地感动高兴，毫不含糊地给予支持。当然对我觉得他还不足的地方，我也是毫不客气地指出来，他认为我说的不对时也同我争辩，或表示保留自己的意见。１９８５年，班禅大师对河南省把少林寺交给嵩山管理局一事提出了强烈批评，并要“就这件事闹到底，不搞个水落石出决不撒手”。我见了这份材料，立即指出：“抓政策落实，精神可嘉，但不要火气太大”，“少林寺由僧尼管理为宜”，“如拖着不办，再派大员去查明原因何在？或请大师亲临督促。”最后这件事得到妥善解决，班禅大师很高兴。
班禅大师作为藏传佛教的杰出领袖，他热爱自己信仰的宗教；作为藏民族的优秀代表，他热爱自己的民族；作为伟大的爱国主义者，他热爱祖国；作为党的忠诚朋友，他热爱中国共产党。把爱教、爱民族和爱国、爱党完美地统一起来，这正是班禅大师一生的写照。
At the end of 1980, when I returned from Guangdong to the Central Government to take charge of ethnic, religious and united front work, we had more opportunities to contact each other. Our friendship became more solid. As a national and religious leader, the Panchen Lama was given more work and became even busier during this period. Nevertheless, this did not lessen our time spent together. We were as honest with each other as we had always been. Every time when he embarked on an important trip such as an inspection or a visit overseas, I always reminded him to take care of his health and safety; to stay calm and not to get upset. Every time he came back, he would come to me to have a good chat. We talked about everything. I felt happy for every success he achieved and gave him my unstinting support. Of course, if I felt that there was something he needed to improve, I would point that out without hesitation. He would also argue with me and defend his opinion if he believed that I was wrong. In 1985, the Panchen Lama strongly criticized the Henan provincial government’s appointment of the Songshan Management Bureau to be in charge of Shaolin Temple. He was determined to “get to the bottom of this matter and would not let go of it until he found out the truth.” When I saw this document, I pointed out immediately: “I appreciate your spirit in discussing the policy. But don’t get too upset.” “It is best that the monks and nuns be in charge of Shaolin Temple.” “If handling of this matter is delayed, officials will be sent there to find out why, or I’ll ask you, Great Master, to personally go there to supervise.” Finally, this matter was resolved properly, for which the Panchen Lama was grateful.
班禅大师作为藏传佛教的杰出领袖，他热爱自己信仰的宗教；作为藏民族的优秀代表，他热爱自己的民族；作为伟大的爱国主义者，他热爱祖国；作为党的忠诚朋友，他热爱中国共产党。把爱教、爱民族和爱国、爱党完美地统一起来，这正是班禅大师一生的写照。
As an eminent leader of Tibetan Buddhism, the Panchen Lama loved his faith; as an excellent representative of Tibetans, he loved his people; as a great patriot, he loved his motherland; as a loyal friend of the Party, he loved the Communist Party of China. Such was the life of the Panchen Lama.
班禅大师热爱中国共产党，成为党的忠诚朋友，出自对自己民族命运和前途的深入思考，出自对党的方针、政策的深切理解，出自对历史和现实的深刻研究。１９８２年他在西藏拉萨干部大会上作了一次长篇报告，系统地叙述了西藏和祖国关系的历史，雄辩地得出结论说：“西藏成为伟大祖国不可分割的一部分，是长期历史发展的必然结果，是无法否认的历史事实。现实来说，西藏和平解放后的三十年的发展和进步，超过了历史上的几百年或上千年，这又是一个不可否认的事实。历史和现实告诉我们，西藏只有在中国共产党领导下的社会主义祖国大家庭中，才有光辉灿烂的前途，才有民族的兴旺发达；西藏人民只有维护祖国的统一，加强汉藏民族之间以及祖国各民族之间的大团结，在中国共产党的领导下，坚定地走社会主义道路，才有真正幸福美满的未来。”“历史的教训使我们懂得，爱祖国同爱民族是统一的，二者不可分割，更不应对立起来。现在有人企图利用历史上遗留下来的民族隔阂的残余，用爱民族来否定爱祖国，打着民族的旗号来反对祖国。对此应保持高度警惕，并及时揭穿他们所谓爱民族的虚伪性。”他还说：“坚持民族利益同国家利益的一致性，坚持爱祖国爱民族的立场，才是唯一正确的立场，才能成为光明正大的、无私无畏的有益于人民的人”。对于宗教，班禅大师继承黄教始祖宗喀巴大师的传统，坚持改革，兴利除弊，从有益于人民利益出发，研究探索宗教与社会主义相适应的经验，把佛教“庄严国土，利乐有情”的教义同爱国主义结合起来，把“普渡众生”同为人民服务的宗旨协调起来，鼓励信教徒团结在党的周围，为建设四化，振兴中华而共同奋斗。
The Panchen Lama’s love of the Communist Party of China and his becoming a loyal friend of the Communist Party were the result of his deep reflection on the fate and future of his people, his deep understanding of the Party’s guiding principles and policies, and his deep research into history and present circumstances. At a cadre conference in Lhasa in 1982 he gave a long speech, systematically outlining the relationship between Tibet and the Motherland. He eloquently concluded: “That Tibet has become an inseparable part of the Motherland is the inevitable result of long historical developments and is an irrefutable historical fact. The 30 years since the peaceful liberation of Tibet have seen more development and progress than the previous several centuries and millennia, which is also irrefutable. History and reality tell us that only under the leadership of the Communist Party of China and within the family of the socialist Motherland does Tibet have a bright future and can its people flourish and grow. Tibet’s people can have a truly happy and perfect future only by defending the unity of the Motherland, strengthening the solidarity of Han-Tibetan relations and the unity of all ethnic minorities of the Motherland, and under the leadership of the Communist Party, resolutely following the socialist road.” “History teaches us that loving the Motherland and loving one’s people are consistent. The two cannot be separated, nor should they be placed in opposition. Presently some people, by taking advantage of the historical legacy of conflict between ethnic minorities, try to undermine love of the Motherland under the pretext of loving their own ethnic group and to oppose the Motherland by raising the banner of ethnic identity. We must vigilantly guard against this, and expose the hypocrisy of these so-called lovers of their ethnic identity.” He also said: “The only correct stance is to adhere to the consistency between the interest of one’s ethnicity and that of the state, and the stance of loving the Motherland and one’s ethnicity. This will allow us to become just and honorable, selfless and fearless individuals who will benefit the people. Regarding religion, the Panchen Lama inherited the tradition of the Yellow Sect of Lamaism’s founder Lama Tsongkhapa to promote reform, nurture the beneficial, abolish the harmful, start from what benefits the people the most, and research and analyze the experience of combining religion and socialist society. We must combine the Buddhist teaching of “In a beneficent and happy spirit work for the sacred national territory” with patriotism. We must also combine the principle of “benefiting all living creatures” with the guideline of serving the people. We must also encourage religious adherents to unite under the Party’s aegis, and jointly struggle for the building of the Four Modernizations and revitalization of China.
从这几年的接触中，我深深感到我这位亲密的朋友班禅越发成熟了。去年我们曾为大师的“知天命”之年祝贺，祈愿大师为祖国为民族作出更辉煌的业绩。正如小平同志对他说的：“你还是有思考的，有分析、有能力，希望你对祖国多作一些贡献”。然而我们的大师去矣！这个损失确是难以弥补的。
From these years of contact, I deeply felt that my close friend the Panchen Lama became more mature. Last year when we celebrated the Panchen Lama’s 50th birthday, we wished that the Panchen Lama would make more glorious achievements for the country and people. It’s just like what Comrade Deng Xiaoping said to him: “You still have the ability to reflect and analyze, and are capable. We hope you can make more contributions to the Motherland.” And then the Panchen Lama passed away! This is an irrevocable loss.
悲大师之示寂，冀乘愿之再来。我们要完成班禅大师未竟的事业，为维护祖国统一和民族团结，为建设团结、富裕、文明的社会主义新西藏，为促进各民族的共同繁荣，作出新的贡献。
I grieve the sudden death of the Panchen Lama, I hope that he is reincarnated. We must complete the Panchen Lama’s unfinished work of safeguarding the unity of the motherland and national unity and make new contributions to a united, prosperous and civilized socialist new Tibet, and to the common prosperity of all ethnic groups.
我们党的忠诚朋友班禅大师永垂不朽！
The Panchen Lama, our Party’s loyal friend, lives forever!
（原载于1989.02.20人民日报）
Originally published in the February 20, 1989 People’s Daily
（责任编辑：常雪梅）
Copy Editor: Chang Xuemei